HRCP NATIONAL PEASANT CONVENTION MULTAN September 5-6, 2012. Convention Statement

The two-day (September 5 ,6) Peasant Convention organized in Multan by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) has made a strong plea for land reforms , development of equitable land  utilization policies, mitigation of the hardships of landless tillers of the soil, acceptance of the tenants‘ rights that have been settled for long on lands leased to the military, fixation of a fair return to farm labor, effective action to eradicate bonded labor, protection of rights of women working in agriculture sector ,a peasant-friendly policy for distribution of inputs and for marketing of the farm produce.

The convention was attended by representatives of Kisan/Hari committees from the different parts of the country, peasant activist representatives of bonded /liberated workers, and human right activists.

The convention declared that the demand for land reform was justified in the country’s economic interest, the right of the vast rural population to social justice and the basic requirements of a democratic dispensation. Studies by economists had established that the skewed land ownership pattern in the country was hampering economic growth and spread of education, besides increasing the areas of mass poverty. An economically and socially disadvantaged peasantry was also unable to support a democratic order.

It was necessary to ensure, the convention declared, that the proposed land reform is the sincerely and efficiently implemented, small owners and landless cultivators are enabled to acquire at least subsistence holdings, and women cultivators, especially in case of women-headed families, are duly accommodated.

The convention called upon all the provincial governments to evolve both short and long term agricultural policies, including land utilization policies. The practice of giving away land as a reward for dubious and controversial services to the establishment should be discontinued.  No allocation of land for commercial exploitation should be allowed. Land must be given only to cultivators and the system of absentee landlords completely eliminated. The practice of allowing urban/industrial projects on fertile lands also needed to be reviewed and unnecessary and haphazard contraction of farm area stopped. Whenever land is acquired for non-agricultural purposes the tenants that are displaced should get a part, may be 25%, of the compensation allowed to the land owner.

The land utilization policy should also address the ecological disasters being caused by wanton destruction of forests.

The convention was of the view that all the provincial tenancy laws needed to be revised with a view to providing firm and clear guarantees for tenants’ rights, closing all gaps that permit exploitation of tenants, and adjudication of landlord –tenant issues by special Hari courts.

As regards landless tenants, the convention demanded allotment of land to the largest number possible, and effective safeguards against ejectment of tenants. The tenants should be helped with credit under new and liberal lending policies. Those who cannot be kept on farms ought to be enabled to develop alternative skills in towns near their homes, and provided with meaningful employment.

The participants of the convention strongly deprecated the government’s failure to recognize and protect the rights of cultivators who have been working on military farms for many generations. They hailed the struggle of peasant organizations in resisting attacks on their rights and called for immediate transfer of ownership to cultivators of military farms in Okara, Khanewal, Sargodha or anywhere else.

The convention expressed concern at the absence of any framework for guaranteeing fair wages for farm labor and urged an expeditious solution to the problem. At the same time it was necessary to take effective steps for the elimination of bonded labor and rehabilitation of liberated workers.

The participants were unanimous in demanding steps to ensure easy availability, at affordable cost, of the essential farm inputs, especially water and seeds. The peasantry suffered a great deal due to an unfavorable system of marketing of farm produce. A fair and equitable marketing system needed to be installed in consultation with representatives of the cultivators.

The convention expressed serious concern at the widespread and multi-dimensional exploitation of women associated with and dependent upon agriculture. In several areas of farming and cattle-breeding, women contributed more than men but were denied due recognition of and reward for their work. The convention called for a broad based movement o secure the rights of women engaged in agriculture.

The convention appreciated the work done for the peasantry’s uplift by the various kisan and Hari committees, peasant and tenant associations, human right activists and alliances and called for closer collaboration among them so as to generate a strong movement for justice to the country’s large agricultural community.

The convention also urged upon the state, the political parties, trade unions of industrial labor and all other elements of civil society to facilitate unionization of the agricultural labor in accordance with the ILO conventions and guarantees inscribed in the constitution of Pakistan and international instruments.

The other demands made at the convention included a call for recognition of the right to work, women’s’ right to equal wages, and all citizens’ right to social security as fundamental rights.

The convention called upon all political parties to give the peasantry’s interests and concerns a prominent place in their manifestos and programmes. At the same time it appealed to the entire peasant community to play their due role in the coming elections and seek assurances from all candidates that they would work for the realization of their rights. It was time the peasants served a notice on all concerned that they were determined to have their say in governance and equitable management of their affairs.


Issued By

I. A. Rehman, Secretary General HRCP

Rashid Rehman, Convention Co-ordinator.


HRCP launches report of fact-finding mission to Balochistan

Islamabad, August 30: The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) launched on Thursday the report of a fact-finding it had conducted in Balochistan. An HRCP mission had visited the province from May 15 to 19 in order to assess the impact of the recent measures by the government with respect to the province and to hear suggestions from the stakeholders on a way out of the lingering crisis there.

The fact-finding mission met members of the executive, representatives of political parties, civil society organisations, relatives of missing persons, religious and ethnic minority communities, businessmen, lawyers, journalists, teachers, students and senior government officials. The full report is available online at:

The team held meetings in Quetta, Mastung and Pishin. HRCP Core Group coordinators in districts Bolan, Chaghi, Gwadar, Harnai, Jafarabad, Jhal Magsi, Kalat, Lasbela, Mastung, Naseerabad, Nushki, Panjgur, Pasni, Pishin, Qilla Abdullah, Qilla Saifullah, Sibbi, Turbat, Zhob and Ziarat travelled to Quetta and briefed the fact-finding team on the prevailing situation in their respective areas.

Chairperson Zohra Yusuf led the five-day (May 15-19) fact-finding team that also comprised HRCP provincial vice-chairpersons Tahir Hussain Khan (Balochistan), Sher Muhammad Khan (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and Amarnath Motumal (Sindh), HRCP Executive Council members Asma Jahangir, Zahoor Ahmed Shahwani and Habib Tahir, journalists Arifa Noor and Amir Mateen, novelist Muhammad Hanif and academic Prof. Azizuddin Ahmed. HRCP Secretary General I.A. RehmanHussain Naqi and Najam U Din from HRCP Secretariat and HRCP Quetta office coordinator Farid Ahmed were also part of the fact-finding mission.

The mission was of the considered opinion that if there was a genuine will and commitment to find solutions, the numerous challenges in Balochistan could be addressed. It was plain to see by that the strategy that the government had pursued in the province had not worked. Maintaining the same course was about the worst thing that could be done if the objective was to improve the situation.

The fact-finding team made the following observations:

1.      In many fundamental respects the situation had not changed in Balochistan since HRCP’s last fact-finding mission to the province in 2011. Enforced disappearances continued in Balochistan as did dumping of bodies and impunity for the perpetrators. Frontier Corps and intelligence agencies were generally believed to be involved in enforced disappearance of people. In some cases their involvement had been proved beyond doubt. Failure to punish the perpetrators or to probe that involvement in a meaningful way was aggravating the situation. The law and order situation had worsened and sectarian killings increased in all districts.

2.      However, there were some positive changes, each with a caveat, which offered hope for improvement in Balochistan’s situation. The Supreme Court hearings in Quetta had certainly had a positive impact, although it remained to be seen if the impact would endure. The mission found youth and political activists were more willing to talk and more keen to engage in efforts to resolve the crises politically. Sincerity and reciprocity were needed to avail the opportunity. There was keen awareness that change was vital and a lot of people looked towards the forthcoming elections to deliver that change. If free and fair elections were held progressive elements were expected to participate. Some nationalists might not contest but others would. If the nationalists became part of the government things were generally expected to improve. However, lawlessness made preparation for the elections difficult for nationalist parties, many of which had constituencies in insurgency-hit districts. There were apprehensions that elections might be rigged and demands were made for national and international monitors for the elections. Law and order had prevented many parliamentarians from visiting their constituencies. As of now, the people only got a chance to go to elections once every decade. There was a general feeling that if there was genuine democracy Balochistan’s woes could have been minimised.

3.      There were multiple layers of violence and tension in Balochistan. Law and order was a problem that cast a long shadow on all aspects of life. The crime wave that had engulfed urban Balochistan and the main highways was either a mark of collusion or utter incompetence of the authorities. The government, law enforcement and security agencies had completely failed to deal with militant / insurgent, sectarian and criminal elements.

4.      Kidnappings for ransom had become a profitable enterprise. No perpetrator had been arrested or tried. It was difficult to see how the kidnappers could operate despite heavy security deployment. The conclusion that most people reached in Balochistan was that the criminals had not been arrested because they enjoyed the patronage of the authorities. The provincial home minister had spoken of fellow cabinet members’ involvement in this crime but no action was taken. Questions were raised as to who would give protection to the people, to the Hazaras, non-Muslims and to truck drivers who pooled money to pay ransom.

5.      The problems in Balochistan had long been looked at in the perspective of a Baloch insurgency and Baloch rights. There was a need to have a holistic look at all the problems in Balochistan, including those faced by a substantial Pakhtun population, the Hazaras, non-Muslims and settlers as well as economic and livelihood issues in the province.

6.      There were complaints of the state’s inability or unwillingness to protect the lives of religious minorities as well as members of some Muslim sects. Killings and harassment of the settler population by the insurgents had led to the settlers shifting to Pakhtun-majority areas or to leave the province altogether. Target killings and crime on the basis of religious and ethnic identity of the victims had grown. The continued persecution of Hazaras was as ruthless as it was unprecedented. The people the mission met said that if the authorities had the commitment to stop the killings or punish those responsible the killings could not have expanded in the manner that they had. Questions were raised about absence of ability or willingness on part of the government to protect the people from faith-based violence as well as its lack of priorities. Heightened threats including kidnappings for ransom had forced Hazaras, non-Muslims, settlers and wealthy people to migrate to other parts of the country and even abroad.

7.      Talibanisation was growing in several areas. Unlike the past, religious fanaticism was not merely being exported to the province from elsewhere. It was now being bred in Balochistan. A growing network of madrassas had contributed to aggravation of inter-sect tensions. There were fears that the security forces were patronizing militants and Quetta was being turned into a haven for militants. There were said to be militants’ training camps in the province.

8.      Aspiring irregular migrants from or passing through Balochistan took great risks in their quest for a brighter future and the human smugglers were only too happy to exploit them. Little was being done to address the reasons that forced people to migrate.

9.      Unlike the past, the insurgents had systematically targeted infrastructure and development work.

10.  Despite the government’s oft-voiced desire for a political solution to the crisis in Balochistan no progress had been made on engaging through talks the nationalist elements in Balochistan. Even preparatory steps towards that end remained lacking.

11.  The state abdicating its basic responsibility and NGOs retreating for fear of abduction of their staff had further aggravated the crises. The government and development agencies had abandoned the troubled areas. Healthcare and education were neglected. Many good teachers had migrated. An insurgency in parts of the province did not justify the state ignoring the people’s health, sanitation and other basic needs and infrastructure, which were not affected by the ongoing strife. There were places in the province where the people, irrespective of their ethnicity, survived in conditions that were not far removed from the Stone Age. Alleviating their problems was no one’s priority.

12.  The provincial government was nowhere to be seen in the crises. The chief minister was away from the province for a lot of time and the provincial government held meetings regarding Balochistan outside the province. The provincial government seemed to have earned a lot of discredit in a short span of time. In probably the only example of its kind, all but one member of the provincial assembly was in the cabinet. After the 18th Amendment and the National Finance Commission Award, more funds had certainly become available to Balochistan but those did not seem to have trickled down. A general observation was that corruption had spiked by the same margin.

13.  The government had shown little interest in shoring up sagging economic activity and businesses. The industry had collapsed, natural resources had not been tapped nor the requisite expertise created and agriculture that was the mainstay of a large part of the provincial economy was in ruins because of drought-like conditions and lack of irrigation water amid plummeting water table, debilitating electricity shortages and absence of delay-action dams.

14.  The total electricity need of Balochistan was very small compared to the needs of the other provinces. Yet the people in the province faced excessive electricity suspension. The people demanded that the government should accept an Iranian offer to supply 1,000 megawatts of electricity to Pakistan and use the same in Balochistan.

15.  There was a widespread feeling that the national media had abandoned Balochistan and not given as much coverage to the events and incidents as their importance demanded. Even when whole cities were shut down during a strike the media did not report that. Journalists in the field felt threatened from the security forces, militants and insurgents. The people in the districts affected by the insurgency in general and journalists in particular felt like hostages. If they said one thing they were traitors to one side and if they did not they were traitors to the other side. The stories that the journalists did file were often covered only in Balochistan editions of publications by national level media organisations. That prevented the people elsewhere in Pakistan from getting the true picture of the situation in the province.

16.  Members of the mission were shocked at the glut of sophisticated firearms in Balochistan and the people’s easy access to them. It defied belief that huge quantities of weapons could pass through a series of check-posts when the common citizen was stopped even for carrying a knife. Had there been sincere efforts to curtail the free flow of weapons they would certainly have made a difference.

17.  The people generally expressed faith in the Levies force because of it being a local force. Police was not well respected.

18.  All investigations in Balochistan today seemed to end as soon as claims of responsibility were made by one militant or insurgent organisation or the other. It was a free for all and in cases of target killings or even common crime any investigation or prosecution worth the name was generally missing.


Zohra Yusuf

HRCP moot proposes roadmap for democratic Pakistan

Islamabad, August 12: Pakistan’s survival depends on strengthening the democratic process so as to remove the tensions and imbalance in civil and military relations and ensure that all institutions of the state play their role in the well being of the people within their parameters. This was the consensus at a consultation organized by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) here.

The consultation on ‘civil-military relations and their impact on human rights’ was attended by politicians from across the political spectrum, former military officers, representatives of civil society, noted academics and journalists.

The assembly passed the following resolution at the conclusion of the consultation.

1.     Pakistan’s survival lies in strengthening the democratic process and it cannot flourish without the existence of a strong parliament or an independent judiciary. The country needs both. However, recent events are disturbing as the authority of the parliament has been undermined and its lawmaking power challenged. All laws that are in contravention of fundamental rights ought to be struck down by the courts but they cannot put restrictions on the parliament to enact laws.

2.     An independent judiciary and an efficient system of administration of justice is the backbone to any democratic structure. In order to further strengthen the judiciary’s independent character, political parties should consider the establishment of a Constitutional Court as promised in the Charter of Democracy that was signed by the two major political parties of the country. After the adoption of the 18th Amendment and the creation of new relationships between the federation and the units, establishment of such a court has become imminent.

3.     There is an urgent need for ensuring transparency in revenue collection and use of resources. In this regard all institutions of the State, including the various branches of the executive, the military, the intelligence agencies as well as the judiciary, should be made accountable.

4.     The military’s service to the country cannot be denied. It has hugely suffered in the last few years while fighting terrorism but it must maintain its professionalism, among other things, by winding up intelligence work of political nature and its business enterprises which are not only an unnecessary burden on the economy but also distract the military from its professional duties.

5.     Considerable damage is being caused by the gap in the understanding between military commanders on one side and civilian authorities and civil society on the other regarding the direction that the country ought to take. It is essential that the two sides engage in mutual discussions and find ways to move forward.

6.     The situation in Balochistan is extremely critical and offers the most grave example of imbalance in civil-military relations and their impact on human rights. It is vital that political leadership of all shades addresses this critical situation seriously and with due diligence and sobriety.

  1. For harmonious civil and military relationship and promotion of human rights, it is absolutely essential that the political parties contribute to the growth of democratic culture by democratising their own party apparatus.
  2. It is vital that political parties address human rights issues more seriously, especially enforced disappearances, oppressive laws in FATA and PATA, and the widespread acceptance of torture. The political parties must take a holistic view of parliament’s sovereign rights by giving priority to the people’s needs and aspirations, addressing foreign policy issues, and accepting ownership of and responsibility for allpolicies and decisions.

9.     Legal cells may be created in all political parties so that they can better perform their legislative responsibilities and enable the parties to take their task more seriously.

10.   All political parties must ensure that the forthcoming elections are held in a free atmosphere and that no agencies, not even security and intelligence services, interfere in this process. It is equally important that political parties do not invite unnecessary interference of the judiciary in the election process. All political parties should pledge that women will not be restrained from exercising their right to vote and the parties will not be part of any scheme to deprive women of their right to franchise.

11.  The state, the political parties and civil society should have zero tolerance for any form of militancy. No one should remain silent where it becomes evident that any state functionaries or political elements are throwing up, protecting or colluding with militant elements.

12.  The practice of doling out discretionary funds to parliamentarians should cease. This has corrupted politics and given rise to nepotism. The politics of giving plots to bureaucrats and judiciary must also be discontinued.

13.  It is regrettable that Mr. Farhatullah Babar’s bill on the need for regulating the functioning of intelligence agencies that was submitted to the Senate had been withdrawn. The measures visualized in the bill need to be debated by political parties and consensus developed on regulatory frameworks which the state needs more urgently than ever. Equally important is the establishment of an efficient accountability mechanism which can oversee the working of all institutions of the state.

14.  It is necessary for the development of healthy political traditions that the political parties that have in the past supported dictatorial regimes should own their mistakes and offer apologies to the people.

15.  The adoption of the 18th and the 19th constitutional amendments does not mean that the process of constitutional amendment has been exhausted. Constitutional reform should be continued until the 1973 constitution is revived in its original form. There is need to delete articles 62 and 63 inserted by General Zia-ul-Haq, which allowed decisions to be taken on subjective considerations. It is also necessary to streamline the provisions/regime of the Supreme Judicial Council and continue the process of recognising more rights of the people as fundamental.

  1. A parliamentary committee on trade should be established to make the parliamentarians more aware of and more involved in dealing with the economic challenges facing Pakistan.

At suggestions from the audience the conference agreed that all vacancies of judges in all high courts should be filled on merit.

While the resolution was supported unanimously by participants, the representative of the Jamaat-e-Islami exercised his right to dissent from the clauses referring to the judiciary and the demand for deletion of articles 62 and 63.

Zohra Yusuf


HRCP’s outrage at minorities’ flight

Lahore, August 10: The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) has expressed alarm and a strong sense of outrage at the continued exodus of religious minority communities from Sindh and Balochistan and said that the state has consistently failed to allay the concerns of these communities despite repeated reminders by the civil society.

In a statement issued on Friday, the Commission said: “The state of anger and panic caused by the reports that several hundred Hindu citizens from Sindh and Balochistan were migrating to India has subsided somewhat by the disclosure that they were on a pilgrimage. Most of them said they would return to Pakistan while some said they might not.

“In any case, reports of Hindu citizens’ migration to India have been coming form Sindh and Balochistan fairly regularly. Some spokespersons of minorities have argued that vested interests are threatening and frightening the non-Muslim citizens with a view to forcing them to migrate. Some of these elements are said to be religious extremists while others have plans to grab the minorities’ property. In any case there is little doubt that the minorities have been driven to despair.

“Religious minorities’ continued migration from Sindh and Balochistan is a reflection of the state’s failure to save these citizens from violence, discrimination and disgusting excesses such as forced conversion of young women. The live telecast of a recent conversion of a young Hindu man on television is a particularly reprehensible and indefensible manifestation of the attitude towards non-Muslims. 

“HRCP desperately hopes that the government shares its distress in this respect and reiterates its call for the state to address, in consultation with the communities in question, the reasons forcing religious minorities to flee the country. HRCP also urges civil society organisations and the media to keep the spotlight firmly trained on the raw deal these communities are getting. Ahead of the forthcoming elections, the political parties also have an opportunity, through their manifestos, and more than that through their actions now, to articulate their vision for religious minorities in Pakistan.”

Zohra Yusuf


HRCP condemns killing of KP cops in Lahore


Lahore, July 13: The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) has strongly condemned the killing of nine trainee prison staff from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in a terrorist attack in Lahore on Thursday, blasted the lack of security for the victims and called for an efficient probe to apprehend the killers as well as for the soul searching that such attacks call for but which has been missing so far.


In a statement issued to the media on Friday, the Commission said: “HRCP is saddened by the brazen attack in Lahore in which nine trainee jail wardens from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa were killed and is utterly shocked by the ease with which terrorists managed to storm the wardens’ hostel and walked away unchallenged afterwards. The administration has conceded that the staff did not have security and the police chief says that he was not aware that the trainee staffers were lodged there. The terrorists clearly have better intelligence than the police. The attack raises a lot of very disturbing and not wholly new questions. It is impossible to think that such an attack could have been launched without considerable local support and might well have been solely the work of local militants. It has been quite a few months since terrorists have struck in Lahore, may be they do not look at the provincial government benevolently any more. This was a botch up at many levels in which no one looks good, but the provincial government had the obvious responsibility to ensure adequate security for the trainees. Without the negligence of the administration, it is unlikely that the killers would have achieved their designs with such ease. HRCP is not qualified to offer advice on matters of security but it must say that this attack demands a lot of soul searching and much more than the usual response to terrorism, which has been confined to condemnation and rhetoric.


“It is far from reassuring to see the finger pointing and point scoring by politicians following the killings. It is hoped that sanity will prevail sooner rather than later and politicians will not fall for the terrorists’ ploy of stirring up ethnic tensions. Instead of indulging in blame games, the federal government and the governments of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Punjab should invest their energies in bringing to justice the perpetrators of Thursday’s attack. The investigators must also probe and expose local networks of terrorists and militants who are bent on destabilizingPakistan.”

Zohra Yusuf